後記 Postscript

我在第三篇講《二十四孝》的開頭，說北京恐嚇小孩的「馬虎子」應作「麻胡子」，是指麻叔謀，而且以他爲胡人。At the beginning of the third essay, on "The Twenty-Four Cases of Filial Piety," I said that the "Mahuzi" (馬虎子) used in Beijing to frighten children ought to be written "Mahuzi" (麻胡子), referring to Ma Shumou, and I took him moreover to be a Hu (foreign) person.現在知道是錯了，「胡」應作「祜」，是叔謀之名，見唐人李濟翁做的《資暇集》卷下，題云《非麻胡》。Now I know this was wrong: the character "hu" 胡 should be "hu" 祜, which was Shumou's given name — this appears in the Zi Xia Ji by the Tang-dynasty writer Li Jiweng, in the last volume, under the title "Fei Mahu" ("Not Mahu").原文如次：The original text reads as follows:

我在第三篇讲《二十四孝》的开头，说北京恐吓小孩的「马虎子」应作「麻胡子」，是指麻叔谋，而且以他为胡人。现在知道是错了，「胡」应作「祜」，是叔谋之名，见唐人李济翁做的《资暇集》卷下，题云《非麻胡》。原文如次：

原來我的識見，就正和唐朝的「不知其源者」相同，貽譏于千載之前，真是咎有應得，只好苦笑。It turns out that my understanding was exactly the same as that of the "those who did not know the origin" in the Tang dynasty — ridiculed a thousand years in advance; truly a fault I deserved, and all I can do is smile bitterly.但又不知麻祜廟碑或碑文，現今尚在睢陽或存于方志中否？But I still do not know whether the stele or inscription of the Ma Hu Temple still exists today in Suiyang, or is preserved in the local gazetteers.倘在，我們當可以看見和小說《開河記》所載相反的他的功業。If it does exist, we would surely be able to see accounts of his achievements that contradict what is recorded in the novel Kaihe Ji (Record of the Opening of the Canal).

原来我的识见，就正和唐朝的「不知其源者」相同，贻讥于千载之前，真是咎有应得，只好苦笑。但又不知麻祜庙碑或碑文，现今尚在睢阳或存于方志中否？倘在，我们当可以看见和小说《开河记》所载相反的他的功业。

因爲想尋幾張插畫，常維鈞兄給我在北京搜集了許多材料，有幾種是爲我所未曾見過的。Wanting to find a few illustrations, I asked my friend Chang Weijun, who collected a great deal of material for me in Beijing, some of which I had never seen before.如光緒己卯（1879）肅州胡文炳作的《二百卌孝圖》——原書有注云：「卌讀如習。」我真不解他何以不直稱四十，而必須如此麻煩——即其一。For instance, the Er Bai Si Shi Xiao Tu (Pictures of Two Hundred and Forty Filial Exemplars) compiled by Hu Wenbing of Suzhou in the jimao year of the Guangxu reign (1879) — the original book has a note saying "xi 卌 is read like xi 習" (I truly cannot understand why he did not simply say "forty" instead of going to such trouble) — is one such item.我所反對的「郭巨埋兒」，他于我還未出世的前幾年，已經刪去了。The story of "Guo Ju Burying His Son," which I object to, had already been deleted by him several years before I was even born.序有云：The preface says:

因为想寻几张插画，常维钧兄给我在北京搜集了许多材料，有几种是为我所未曾见过的。如光绪己卯（1879）肃州胡文炳作的《二百卌孝图》——原书有注云：「卌读如习。」我真不解他何以不直称四十，而必须如此麻烦——即其一。我所反对的「郭巨埋儿」，他于我还未出世的前几年，已经删去了。序有云：

這位肅州胡老先生的勇決，委實令我佩服了。The resolve and decisiveness of this old gentleman Hu of Suzhou truly command my admiration.但這種意見，恐怕是懷抱者不乏其人，而且由來已久的，不過大抵不敢毅然刪改，筆之于書。But I suspect this opinion has long been held by no small number of people; it is just that most of them did not dare to resolutely delete and revise, and commit it to writing.如同治十一年（1872）刻的《百孝圖》，前有紀常鄭績序，就說：For example, the Bai Xiao Tu (Pictures of a Hundred Filial Exemplars), printed in the eleventh year of the Tongzhi reign (1872), has a preface by Ji Chang Zheng Ji, which says:

这位肃州胡老先生的勇决，委实令我佩服了。但这种意见，恐怕是怀抱者不乏其人，而且由来已久的，不过大抵不敢毅然删改，笔之于书。如同治十一年（1872）刻的《百孝图》，前有纪常郑绩序，就说：

則同治年間就有人以埋兒等事爲「忍心害理」，灼然可知。This makes it perfectly clear that already during the Tongzhi era there were people who regarded matters like "burying the son" as "cruel-hearted and contrary to reason."至于這一位「紀常鄭績」先生的意思，我却還是不大懂，或者像是說：這些事現在可以不必學，但也不必說他錯。As for what this Mr. "Ji Chang Zheng Ji" actually meant, I still do not quite understand; perhaps it is something like saying: such things need not be imitated nowadays, but one need not say they were wrong either.

则同治年间就有人以埋儿等事为「忍心害理」，灼然可知。至于这一位「纪常郑绩」先生的意思，我却还是不大懂，或者像是说：这些事现在可以不必学，但也不必说他错。

這部《百孝圖》的起源有點特別，是因爲見了「粵東顏子」的《百美新詠》而作的。The origin of this Bai Xiao Tu is somewhat unusual: it was made after seeing the Bai Mei Xin Yong (New Songs of a Hundred Beauties) by "Yan Zi of Guangdong."人重色而己重孝，衛道之盛心可謂至矣。Others prized beauty, while he himself prized filial piety — his zeal in defending the Way may be called extreme indeed.雖然是「會稽俞葆真蘭浦編輯」，與不佞有同鄉之誼，——但我還只得老實說：不大高明。Although it was "compiled by Yu Baozhen Lanpu of Kuaiji," who shares my native place — still I must honestly say: it is not very accomplished.例如木蘭從軍的出典，他注云：「隋史」。For example, regarding the source of the story of Mulan joining the army, his note says: "Sui Shi" (History of the Sui).這樣名目的書，現今是沒有的；No book by such a title exists today;倘是《隋書》，那裏面又沒有木蘭從軍的事。and if he meant the Sui Shu (Book of Sui), that work contains no account of Mulan joining the army.

这部《百孝图》的起源有点特别，是因为见了「粤东颜子」的《百美新咏》而作的。人重色而己重孝，卫道之盛心可谓至矣。虽然是「会稽俞葆真兰浦编辑」，与不佞有同乡之谊，——但我还只得老实说：不大高明。例如木兰从军的出典，他注云：「隋史」。这样名目的书，现今是没有的；倘是《隋书》，那里面又没有木兰从军的事。

而中華民國九年（1920），上海的書店却偏偏將牠用石印翻印了，書名的前後各添了兩個字：《男女百孝圖全傳》。Yet in the ninth year of the Republic of China (1920), a Shanghai bookshop went and reprinted it lithographically, adding two characters each before and after the title: Nannü Bai Xiao Tu Quan Zhuan (The Complete Illustrated Biographies of a Hundred Filial Men and Women).第一葉上還有一行小字道：家庭教育的好模範。On the first leaf there is also a line of small print reading: "A fine model for family education."又加了一篇「吳下大錯王鼎謹識」的序，開首先發同治年間「紀常鄭績」先生一流的感慨：A preface was also added, "respectfully noted by Wang Ding, the Great Blunderer of Wuxia," which at the outset voices the same kind of lament as Mr. "Ji Chang Zheng Ji" of the Tongzhi era:

而中华民国九年（1920），上海的书店却偏偏将牠用石印翻印了，书名的前后各添了两个字：《男女百孝图全传》。第一叶上还有一行小字道：家庭教育的好模范。又加了一篇「吴下大错王鼎谨识」的序，开首先发同治年间「纪常郑绩」先生一流的感慨：

其實陳叔寶模胡到好像「全無心肝」，或者有之，若拉他來配「忍心害理」，却未免有些冤枉。In fact, Chen Shubao was muddled to the point of seeming to have "no conscience whatsoever" — that may well be true, but to pair him up with "cruel-hearted and contrary to reason" seems rather unfair to him.這是有幾個人以評「郭巨埋兒」和「李娥投爐」的事的。This refers to several people's comments on the stories of "Guo Ju Burying His Son" and "Li E Throwing Herself into the Furnace."

其实陈叔宝模胡到好像「全无心肝」，或者有之，若拉他来配「忍心害理」，却未免有些冤枉。这是有几个人以评「郭巨埋儿」和「李娥投炉」的事的。

至于人心，有幾點確也似乎正在澆漓起來。As for the human heart, in a few respects it does indeed seem to be growing thinner and more careless.自從《男女之秘密》，《男女交合新論》出現後，上海就很有些書名喜歡用「男女」二字冠首。Ever since the appearance of works like The Secrets of Men and Women and A New Discourse on Sexual Intercourse Between Men and Women, quite a few book titles in Shanghai have taken a liking to putting the words "men and women" at the front.現在是連「以正人心而厚風俗」的《百孝圖》上也加上了。Now even the Bai Xiao Tu, meant "to rectify the human heart and enrich public morals," has had it added on.這大概爲因不滿于《百美新詠》而教孝的「會稽俞葆真蘭浦」先生所不及料的罷。This is probably something that Mr. "Yu Baozhen Lanpu of Kuaiji," who taught filial piety out of displeasure with the Bai Mei Xin Yong, could never have anticipated.

至于人心，有几点确也似乎正在浇漓起来。自从《男女之秘密》，《男女交合新论》出现后，上海就很有些书名喜欢用「男女」二字冠首。现在是连「以正人心而厚风俗」的《百孝图》上也加上了。这大概为因不满于《百美新咏》而教孝的「会稽俞葆真兰浦」先生所不及料的罢。

從說「百行之先」的孝而忽然拉到「男女」上去，彷彿也近乎不莊重，——澆漓。To go from speaking of filial piety, "foremost of the hundred virtues," and suddenly drag it over to "men and women," seems rather improper too — thin and careless indeed.但我總還想趁便說幾句，——自然竭力來減省。But I still want to take this opportunity to say a few words on the subject — sparing as few words as I possibly can, of course.

从说「百行之先」的孝而忽然拉到「男女」上去，彷佛也近乎不庄重，——浇漓。但我总还想趁便说几句，——自然竭力来减省。

我們中國人即使對于「百行之先」，我敢說，也未必就不想到男女上去的。I daresay that even in the case of the "foremost of the hundred virtues," we Chinese are not necessarily incapable of thinking about men and women all the same.太平無事，閒人很多，偶有「殺身成仁舍生取義」的，本人也許忙得不暇檢點，而活着的旁觀者總會加以緜密的研究。In times of peace and idleness, when there are many people with time on their hands, if someone happens to "sacrifice his life for benevolence, give up his life for righteousness," the person himself may be too preoccupied to attend to appearances, but the living bystanders will always subject it to minute scrutiny.曹娥的投江覓父，淹死後抱父屍出，是載在正史，很有許多人知道的。That Cao E threw herself into the river to search for her father, and after drowning emerged clasping her father's corpse, is recorded in the official histories and known to a great many people.但這一個「抱」字却發生過問題。But this single word "clasp" has given rise to a problem.

我们中国人即使对于「百行之先」，我敢说，也未必就不想到男女上去的。太平无事，闲人很多，偶有「杀身成仁舍生取义」的，本人也许忙得不暇检点，而活着的旁观者总会加以緜密的研究。曹娥的投江觅父，淹死后抱父尸出，是载在正史，很有许多人知道的。但这一个「抱」字却发生过问题。

我幼小時候，在故鄉曾經聽到老年人這樣講：When I was a small child, I once heard the old people in my hometown tell it like this:

我幼小时候，在故乡曾经听到老年人这样讲：

好！Splendid!在禮義之邦裏，連一個年幼——嗚呼，「娥年十四」而已——的死孝女要和死父親一同浮出，也有這麼艱難！In a land of rites and righteousness, for even a young — alas, "E was but fourteen years of age" — dead filial daughter to float up together with her dead father should be so fraught with difficulty!

好！在礼义之邦里，连一个年幼——呜呼，「娥年十四」而已——的死孝女要和死父亲一同浮出，也有这么艰难！

我檢查《百孝圖》和《二百卌孝圖》，畫師都很聰明，所畫的是曹娥還未跳入江中，只在江啼哭。On examining the Bai Xiao Tu and the Er Bai Si Shi Xiao Tu, I find the painters were both quite clever: what they depicted was Cao E before she had jumped into the river, weeping on the bank alone.但吳友如畫的《女二十四孝圖》（1892）却正是兩屍一同浮出的這一幕，而且也正畫作「背對背」，如第一圖的上方。But the Nü Ershisi Xiao Tu (Twenty-Four Cases of Filial Piety, for Women), painted by Wu Youru (1892), shows precisely the scene of the two corpses floating up together, and moreover depicts them exactly "back to back," as in the upper part of Figure 1.我想，他大約也知道我所聽到的那故事的。I suspect he too must have known the same story I had heard.還有《後二十四孝圖說》，也是吳友如畫，也有曹娥，則畫作正在投江的情狀，如第一圖下。There is also the Hou Ershisi Xiao Tu Shuo (Sequel to the Twenty-Four Cases of Filial Piety, Illustrated), likewise painted by Wu Youru, which also includes Cao E, but depicts her in the very act of throwing herself into the river, as in the lower part of Figure 1.

我检查《百孝图》和《二百卌孝图》，画师都很聪明，所画的是曹娥还未跳入江中，只在江啼哭。但吴友如画的《女二十四孝图》（1892）却正是两尸一同浮出的这一幕，而且也正画作「背对背」，如第一图的上方。我想，他大约也知道我所听到的那故事的。还有《后二十四孝图说》，也是吴友如画，也有曹娥，则画作正在投江的情状，如第一图下。

就我現今所見的教孝的圖說而言，古今頗有許多遇盜，遇虎，遇火，遇風的孝子，那應付的方法，十之九是「哭」和「拜」。As far as the illustrated moral tales I have seen go, there have been, from ancient times to the present, quite a number of filial sons who encountered bandits, tigers, fires, or storms, and in nine cases out of ten their way of coping was to "weep" and "kowtow."

就我现今所见的教孝的图说而言，古今颇有许多遇盗，遇虎，遇火，遇风的孝子，那应付的方法，十之九是「哭」和「拜」。

中國的哭和拜，什麼時候纔完呢？When, oh when, will China's weeping and kowtowing ever come to an end?

中国的哭和拜，什么时候才完呢？

至于畫法，我以爲最簡古的倒要算日本的小田海僊本，這本子早已印入《點石齋叢畫》裏，變成國貨，很容易入手的了。As for the manner of drawing, I think the simplest and most archaic is the edition by the Japanese artist Oda Kaisen, which was long ago printed into the Dianshizhai Conghua and thereby turned into a Chinese product, so it is now quite easy to obtain.吳友如畫的最細巧，也最能引動人。Wu Youru's paintings are the most delicate and skillful, and also the most engaging.但他于歷史畫其實是不大相宜的；But he was actually not very well suited to historical painting;他久居上海的租界裏，耳濡目染，最擅長的倒在作「惡鴇虐妓」，「流氓拆梢」一類的時事畫，那真是勃勃有生氣，令人在紙上看出上海的洋場來。having lived for a long time in the foreign concessions of Shanghai, steeped in its ways, what he was truly best at was current-events pictures of the sort "a vicious madam abusing a prostitute" or "a hoodlum shaking someone down," which are truly full of vitality, letting one see the foreign quarter of Shanghai right there on the paper.但影響殊不佳，近來許多小說和兒童讀物的插畫中，往往將一切女性畫成妓女樣，一切孩童都畫得像一個小流氓，大半就因爲太看了他的畫本的緣故。But his influence has been far from good — in the illustrations of many recent novels and children's books, women are often drawn to look like prostitutes and children are all drawn to look like little hoodlums, largely because people have looked at his picture-books too much.

至于画法，我以为最简古的倒要算日本的小田海僊本，这本子早已印入《点石斋丛画》里，变成国货，很容易入手的了。吴友如画的最细巧，也最能引动人。但他于历史画其实是不大相宜的；他久居上海的租界里，耳濡目染，最擅长的倒在作「恶鸨虐妓」，「流氓拆梢」一类的时事画，那真是勃勃有生气，令人在纸上看出上海的洋场来。但影响殊不佳，近来许多小说和儿童读物的插画中，往往将一切女性画成妓女样，一切孩童都画得像一个小流氓，大半就因为太看了他的画本的缘故。

而孝子的事迹也比較地更難畫，因爲總是慘苦的多。And the deeds of filial sons are, comparatively, harder to depict, because they tend to be mostly wretched and painful.譬如「郭巨埋兒」，無論如何總難以畫到引得孩子眉飛色舞，自願躺到坑裏去。Take "Guo Ju Burying His Son," for instance — however it is done, it is hard to paint it in a way that would make a child's face light up with joy and make him willing to lie down in the pit of his own accord.還有「嘗糞心憂」，也不容易引人入勝。Then there is "Tasting the Excrement, Heart Full of Worry," which likewise is not easy to make appealing.還有老萊子的「戲綵娛親」，題詩上雖說「喜色滿庭幃」，而圖畫上却絕少有有趣的家庭的氣息。There is also Lao Laizi's "Playing in Colored Clothes to Delight His Parents" — though the inscribed poem says "joy fills the whole hall," the picture itself very rarely carries any atmosphere of an amusing family scene.

而孝子的事迹也比较地更难画，因为总是惨苦的多。譬如「郭巨埋儿」，无论如何总难以画到引得孩子眉飞色舞，自愿躺到坑里去。还有「尝粪心忧」，也不容易引人入胜。还有老莱子的「戏彩娱亲」，题诗上虽说「喜色满庭帏」，而图画上却绝少有有趣的家庭的气息。

我現在選取了三種不同的標本，合成第二圖。I have now selected three different specimens and combined them into Figure 2.上方的是《百孝圖》中的一部分，「陳村何雲梯」畫的，畫的是「取水上堂詐跌臥地作嬰兒啼」這一段。The one at the top is a portion from the Bai Xiao Tu, painted by "He Yunti of Chencun," depicting the episode "fetching water, he mounted the hall, feigned a fall, lay on the ground, and cried like an infant."也帶出「雙親開口笑」來。It also brings out the line "his parents opened their mouths and laughed."中間的一小塊是我從「直北李錫彤」畫的《二十四孝圖詩合刊》上描下來的，畫的是「著五色斑斕之衣爲嬰兒戲于親側」這一段；The small piece in the middle I traced from the Ershisi Xiao Tu Shi Hekan (Combined Edition of Pictures and Poems on the Twenty-Four Cases of Filial Piety) painted by "Li Xitong of Zhibei," depicting the episode "wearing garments of five gaudy colors, he played like an infant at his parents' side";手裏揑着「搖咕咚」，就是「嬰兒戲」這三個字的點題。in his hand he clutches a "rattle-drum," which is precisely what drives home the point of the three words "played like an infant."但大約李先生覺得一個高大的老頭子玩這樣的把戲究竟不像樣，將他的身子竭力收縮，畫成一個有鬍子的小孩子了。But it seems Mr. Li felt that a tall old man playing such tricks would, after all, look unseemly, so he shrank the figure's body as much as he could, painting him instead as a bearded little child.然而仍然無趣。And yet it is still without any charm.至于線的錯誤和缺少，那是不能怪作者的，也不能埋怨我，只能去罵刻工。As for the errors and omissions in the lines, that cannot be blamed on the artist, nor can it be held against me — one can only curse the block-carver.查這刻工當前清同治十二年（1873）時，是在「山東省布政司街南首路西鴻文堂刻字處」。On investigation, this carving shop, in the twelfth year of the Tongzhi reign of the former Qing dynasty (1873), was the "Hongwentang Engraving Establishment, west side of the road at the south end of Buzhengsi Street, Shandong Province."下方的是「民國壬戌」（1922）慎獨山房刻本，無畫人姓名，但是雙料畫法，一面「詐跌臥地」，一面「爲嬰兒戲」，將兩件事合起來，而將「斑斕之衣」忘却了。The one at the bottom is from a block-print edition of the Shendu Shanfang, of the renxu year of the Republic (1922); the painter's name is not given, but it uses a doubled-up method, showing both "feigning a fall and lying on the ground" and "playing like an infant" at once, combining the two episodes into one, while forgetting the "garments of gaudy colors."吳友如畫的一本，也合兩事爲一，也忘了斑斕之衣，只是老萊子比較的胖一些，且綰着雙丫髻，——不過還是無趣味。In the edition painted by Wu Youru, the two episodes are likewise merged into one, and the gaudy-colored garments are likewise forgotten; only Lao Laizi is drawn somewhat plumper, and with his hair done up in twin tufts — but it is still without charm.

我现在选取了三种不同的标本，合成第二图。上方的是《百孝图》中的一部分，「陈村何云梯」画的，画的是「取水上堂诈跌卧地作婴儿啼」这一段。也带出「双亲开口笑」来。中间的一小块是我从「直北李锡彤」画的《二十四孝图诗合刊》上描下来的，画的是「著五色斑斓之衣为婴儿戏于亲侧」这一段；手里揑着「摇咕咚」，就是「婴儿戏」这三个字的点题。但大约李先生觉得一个高大的老头子玩这样的把戏究竟不像样，将他的身子竭力收缩，画成一个有胡子的小孩子了。然而仍然无趣。至于线的错误和缺少，那是不能怪作者的，也不能埋怨我，只能去骂刻工。查这刻工当前清同治十二年（1873）时，是在「山东省布政司街南首路西鸿文堂刻字处」。下方的是「民国壬戌」（1922）慎独山房刻本，无画人姓名，但是双料画法，一面「诈跌卧地」，一面「为婴儿戏」，将两件事合起来，而将「斑斓之衣」忘却了。吴友如画的一本，也合两事为一，也忘了斑斓之衣，只是老莱子比较的胖一些，且绾着双丫髻，——不过还是无趣味。

人說，諷刺和冷嘲只隔一張紙，我以爲有趣和肉麻也一樣。People say that satire and cold mockery are separated only by a single sheet of paper; I think the same is true of charm and sickly sentimentality.孩子對父母撒嬌可以看得有趣，若是成人，便未免有些不順眼。A child acting coquettish toward its parents can look charming, but if it were a grown adult, it would inevitably look rather unpleasant.放達的夫妻在人面前的互相愛憐的態度，有時略一跨出有趣的界線，也容易變爲肉麻。When an uninhibited husband and wife display their mutual affection in front of others, the moment they step even slightly past the boundary of what is charming, it easily turns into something sickly and cloying.老萊子的作態的圖，正無怪誰也畫不好。It is no wonder, then, that no one has ever managed to paint Lao Laizi's affected posturing well.像這些圖畫上似的家庭裏，我是一天也住不舒服的，你看這樣一位七十歲的老太爺整年假惺惺地玩着一個「搖咕咚」。In a family like the ones shown in these pictures, I would not be able to live comfortably for even a single day — just look at this seventy-year-old old gentleman, playing with a "rattle-drum" in false affectation the whole year round.

人说，讽刺和冷嘲只隔一张纸，我以为有趣和肉麻也一样。孩子对父母撒娇可以看得有趣，若是成人，便未免有些不顺眼。放达的夫妻在人面前的互相爱怜的态度，有时略一跨出有趣的界线，也容易变为肉麻。老莱子的作态的图，正无怪谁也画不好。像这些图画上似的家庭里，我是一天也住不舒服的，你看这样一位七十岁的老太爷整年假惺惺地玩着一个「摇咕咚」。

漢朝人在宮殿和墓前的石室裏，多喜歡繪畫或彫刻古來的帝王，孔子弟子，列士，列女，孝子之類的圖。People of the Han dynasty liked, in the stone chambers of palaces and before tombs, to paint or carve pictures of ancient emperors, Confucius's disciples, exemplary gentlemen, exemplary women, filial sons, and the like.宮殿當然一椽不存了；The palaces, of course, have not a single rafter left standing;石室却偶然還有，而最完全的是山東嘉祥縣的武氏石室。but the stone chambers do occasionally still survive, and the most complete is the Wu Family Shrine in Jiaxiang County, Shandong.我彷彿記得那上面就刻着老萊子的故事。I seem to recall that the story of Lao Laizi is carved right there on it.但現在手頭既沒有搨本，也沒有《金石萃編》，不能查考了；But at present I have neither a rubbing on hand nor a copy of the Jinshi Cuibian, so I am unable to look it up;否則，將現時的和約一千八百年前的圖畫比較起來，也是一種頗有趣味的事。otherwise, comparing the present-day pictures with those of some eighteen hundred years ago would be a rather interesting thing to do.

汉朝人在宫殿和墓前的石室里，多喜欢绘画或雕刻古来的帝王，孔子弟子，列士，列女，孝子之类的图。宫殿当然一椽不存了；石室却偶然还有，而最完全的是山东嘉祥县的武氏石室。我彷佛记得那上面就刻着老莱子的故事。但现在手头既没有搨本，也没有《金石萃编》，不能查考了；否则，将现时的和约一千八百年前的图画比较起来，也是一种颇有趣味的事。

關于老萊子的，《百孝圖》上還有這樣的一段：Concerning Lao Laizi, the Bai Xiao Tu also contains a passage like this:

关于老莱子的，《百孝图》上还有这样的一段：

誰做的《高士傳》呢？Who wrote the Gao Shi Zhuan (Biographies of Lofty Scholars)?嵇康的，還是皇甫謐的？Was it Ji Kang's, or Huangfu Mi's?也還是手頭沒有書，無從查考。Once again I have no book at hand, and so have no way to look it up.只在新近因爲白得了一個月的薪水，這纔發狠買來的《太平御覽》上查了一通，到底查不着，倘不是我粗心，那就是出于別的唐宋人的類書裏的了。Only recently, because I unexpectedly received a month's salary for free, did I steel myself and buy a copy of the Taiping Yulan, and I went through it looking for the passage, but in the end could not find it; unless I was careless, it must come from some other Tang or Song encyclopedic compilation.但這也沒有什麽大關係。But this is not of any great importance either.我所覺得特別的，是文中的那「雛」字。What strikes me as peculiar is the character "chú" (雛) in the text.

谁做的《高士传》呢？嵇康的，还是皇甫谧的？也还是手头没有书，无从查考。只在新近因为白得了一个月的薪水，这才发狠买来的《太平御览》上查了一通，到底查不着，倘不是我粗心，那就是出于别的唐宋人的类书里的了。但这也没有什么大关系。我所觉得特别的，是文中的那「雏」字。

我想，這「雛」未必一定是小禽鳥。I suspect that this "chú" need not necessarily mean a young bird.孩子們喜歡弄來玩耍的，用泥和綢或布做成的人形，日本也叫Hina，寫作「雛」。The little human figures that children like to play with, made of clay and silk or cloth, are also called "Hina" in Japan, written with the character 雛.他們那里往往存留中國的古語；Over there, ancient Chinese words are often preserved;而老萊子在父母面前弄孩子的玩具，也比弄小禽鳥更自然。and it would be more natural for Lao Laizi to have played with a child's toy in front of his parents than with a young bird.所以英語的Doll，即我們現在稱爲「洋囡囡」或「泥人兒」，而文字上只好寫作「傀儡」的，說不定古人就稱「雛」，後來中絕，便只殘存于日本了。So it may well be that the English "doll" — what we now call a "foreign baby-doll" or a "clay figurine," and for which we can only write the character 傀儡 ("puppet") in writing — was called "chú" by the ancients, a usage that later died out in China and survived only in Japan.但這不過是我一時的臆測，此外也並無什麽堅實的憑證。But this is merely a passing conjecture of mine, and beyond it I have no solid evidence.

我想，这「雏」未必一定是小禽鸟。孩子们喜欢弄来玩耍的，用泥和绸或布做成的人形，日本也叫Hina，写作「雏」。他们那里往往存留中国的古语；而老莱子在父母面前弄孩子的玩具，也比弄小禽鸟更自然。所以英语的Doll，即我们现在称为「洋囡囡」或「泥人儿」，而文字上只好写作「傀儡」的，说不定古人就称「雏」，后来中绝，便只残存于日本了。但这不过是我一时的臆测，此外也并无什么坚实的凭证。

這弄雛的事，似乎也還沒有人畫過圖。This business of playing with the "chú" does not seem to have been depicted in any picture by anyone, either.

这弄雏的事，似乎也还没有人画过图。

我所蒐集的另一批，是內有「無常」的畫像的書籍。The other batch I collected consists of books containing pictures of "Wuchang" (the Life-Is-Impermanent spirit).一曰《玉曆鈔傳警世》（或無下二字），一曰《玉曆至寶鈔》（或作編）。One is called Yuli Chaochuan Jingshi (or without the last two characters), the other Yuli Zhibao Chao (or written as Bian).其實是兩種都差不多的。In fact the two are pretty much the same.關于蒐集的事，我首先仍要感謝常維鈞兄，他寄給我北京龍光齋本，又鑑光齋本；As for the collecting of them, I must first of all thank my friend Chang Weijun again — he sent me the Beijing Longguangzhai edition, and also the Jianguangzhai edition;天津思過齋本，又石印局本；the Tianjin Siguozhai edition, and also a lithograph-bureau edition;南京李光明莊本。and the Nanjing Li Guangming Zhuang edition.其次是章矛塵兄，給我杭州瑪瑙經房本，紹興許廣記本，最近石印本。Next, my friend Zhang Maochen gave me the Hangzhou Manao Jingfang edition, the Shaoxing Xu Guangji edition, and a recent lithograph edition.又其次是我自己，得到廣州寶經閣本，又翰元樓本。And after that, I myself obtained the Guangzhou Baojingge edition, and also the Hanyuanlou edition.

我所搜集的另一批，是内有「无常」的画像的书籍。一曰《玉历钞传警世》（或无下二字），一曰《玉历至宝钞》（或作编）。其实是两种都差不多的。关于搜集的事，我首先仍要感谢常维钧兄，他寄给我北京龙光斋本，又鉴光斋本；天津思过斋本，又石印局本；南京李光明庄本。其次是章矛尘兄，给我杭州玛瑙经房本，绍兴许广记本，最近石印本。又其次是我自己，得到广州宝经阁本，又翰元楼本。

這些《玉曆》，有繁簡兩種，是和我的前言相符的。These various Yuli editions come in both elaborate and simplified versions, which agrees with what I said earlier.但我調查了一切無常的畫像之後，却恐慌起來了。But after examining all the pictures of Wuchang, I found myself thrown into a panic.因爲書上的「活無常」是花袍，紗帽，背後插刀；For in these books, the "Living Wuchang" wears a flowered robe and gauze cap, with a knife stuck in at his back;而拿算盤，戴高帽子的却是「死有分」！while the one holding an abacus and wearing a tall hat turns out to be "Death-Has-His-Due"!雖然面貌有凶惡和和善之別，脚下有草鞋和布（？）鞋之殊，也不過畫工偶然的隨便，而最關緊要的題字，則全體一致，曰：「死有分」。Although the faces differ, some fierce and some kindly, and the footwear differs, some in straw sandals and some in cloth (?) shoes — these are merely incidental variations on the part of the artisans — the caption, which matters most of all, is uniform throughout: "Death-Has-His-Due."嗚呼，這明明是專在和我爲難。Alas, this is plainly and deliberately giving me trouble.

这些《玉历》，有繁简两种，是和我的前言相符的。但我调查了一切无常的画像之后，却恐慌起来了。因为书上的「活无常」是花袍，纱帽，背后插刀；而拿算盘，戴高帽子的却是「死有分」！虽然面貌有凶恶和和善之别，脚下有草鞋和布（？）鞋之殊，也不过画工偶然的随便，而最关紧要的题字，则全体一致，曰：「死有分」。呜呼，这明明是专在和我为难。

然而我還不能心服。And yet I still cannot accept it wholeheartedly.一者因爲這些書都不是我幼小時候所見的那一部，二者因爲我還確信我的記憶並沒有錯。First, because none of these books is the very one I saw in my childhood; second, because I am still convinced my memory is not mistaken.不過撕下一葉來做插畫的企圖，却被無聲無臭地打得粉碎了。Still, my plan of tearing out a leaf to use as an illustration was silently and utterly shattered.只得選取標本各一——南京本的死有分和廣州本的活無常——之外，還自己動手，添畫一個我所記得的目連戲或迎神賽會中的「活無常」來塞責，如第三圖上方。I had no choice but to select one specimen each — the Death-Has-His-Due from the Nanjing edition and the Living Wuchang from the Guangzhou edition — and beyond that, to take up the brush myself and add a picture of the "Living Wuchang" as I remembered him from the Mulian opera or the temple processions, just to make do, as shown at the top of Figure 3.好在我並非畫家，雖然太不高明，讀者也許不至于嗔責罷。Fortunately I am no painter, so although it is far from accomplished, readers will perhaps not go so far as to blame me for it.先前想不到後來，曾經對于吳友如先生輩頗說過幾句蹊蹺話，不料曾幾何時，即須自己出醜了，現在就預先辯解幾句在這里存案。Not having foreseen the consequences earlier, I once made a few rather sharp remarks about the likes of Mr. Wu Youru; who would have expected that, before long, I myself would have to make a fool of myself in the same way — so I will offer a few words of defense here in advance, for the record.但是，如果無效，那也只好直抄徐（印世昌）大總統的哲學：聽其自然。But if this proves ineffective, then I shall simply have to copy outright the philosophy of President Xu (given name Shichang): let things take their natural course.

然而我还不能心服。一者因为这些书都不是我幼小时候所见的那一部，二者因为我还确信我的记忆并没有错。不过撕下一叶来做插画的企图，却被无声无臭地打得粉碎了。只得选取标本各一——南京本的死有分和广州本的活无常——之外，还自己动手，添画一个我所记得的目连戏或迎神赛会中的「活无常」来塞责，如第三图上方。好在我并非画家，虽然太不高明，读者也许不至于嗔责罢。先前想不到后来，曾经对于吴友如先生辈颇说过几句蹊跷话，不料曾几何时，即须自己出丑了，现在就预先辩解几句在这里存案。但是，如果无效，那也只好直抄徐（印世昌）大总统的哲学：听其自然。

還有不能心服的事，是我覺得雖是宣傳《玉曆》的諸公，于陰間的事情其實也不大了然。There is another matter I cannot accept wholeheartedly: I feel that even the gentlemen who promoted the Yuli were themselves not actually very clear about the affairs of the underworld.例如一個人初死時的情狀，那圖像就分成兩派。For example, as to the situation when a person has just died, the pictures fall into two schools.一派是只來一位手執鋼叉的鬼卒，叫作「勾魂使者」，此外什麽都沒有；One school has only a single ghost-soldier come, holding a steel fork, called the "Soul-Summoning Envoy," and nothing else besides;一派是一個馬面，兩個無常——陽無常和陰無常——而並非活無常和死有分。the other school has a Horse-Face and two Wuchang — Yang Wuchang and Yin Wuchang — rather than the Living Wuchang and Death-Has-His-Due.倘說，那兩個就是活無常和死有分罷，則和單個的畫像又不一致。If one were to say that those two are actually the Living Wuchang and Death-Has-His-Due, then that would not agree with the individual portraits.如第四圖版上的A，陽無常何嘗是花袍紗帽？Take A on Plate 4, for instance — since when does Yang Wuchang wear a flowered robe and gauze cap?只有陰無常却和單畫的死有分頗相像的，但也放下算盤拿了扇。Only Yin Wuchang bears a fair resemblance to the individually painted Death-Has-His-Due, except that he too has set down the abacus and taken up a fan instead.這還可以說大約因爲其時是夏天，然而怎麼又長了那麼長的絡腮鬍子了呢？This might perhaps be explained by its being summertime, but then how is it that he has grown such a long, full beard?難道夏天時疫多，他竟忙得連修刮的工夫都沒有了麽？Could it be that, with so many epidemics in summer, he has been so busy that he hasn't even had time to shave?這圖的來源是天津思過齋的本子，合併聲明；The source of this picture is the Siguozhai edition of Tianjin — let me note this here, all together;還有北京和廣州本上的，也相差無幾。there are also versions in the Beijing and Guangzhou editions, which differ very little from it.

还有不能心服的事，是我觉得虽是宣传《玉历》的诸公，于阴间的事情其实也不大了然。例如一个人初死时的情状，那图像就分成两派。一派是只来一位手执钢叉的鬼卒，叫作「勾魂使者」，此外什么都没有；一派是一个马面，两个无常——阳无常和阴无常——而并非活无常和死有分。倘说，那两个就是活无常和死有分罢，则和单个的画像又不一致。如第四图版上的A，阳无常何尝是花袍纱帽？只有阴无常却和单画的死有分颇相像的，但也放下算盘拿了扇。这还可以说大约因为其时是夏天，然而怎么又长了那么长的络腮胡子了呢？难道夏天时疫多，他竟忙得连修刮的工夫都没有了么？这图的来源是天津思过斋的本子，合并声明；还有北京和广州本上的，也相差无几。

B是從南京的李光明莊刻本上取來的，圖畫和A相同，而題字則正相反了：天津本指爲陰無常者，牠却道是陽無常。Plate B is taken from the block-print edition of Li Guangming Zhuang in Nanjing; the picture is the same as A, but the caption is exactly the opposite: what the Tianjin edition labels as Yin Wuchang, this one calls Yang Wuchang.但和我的主張是一致的。But it agrees with my own view.那麼，倘有一個素衣高帽的東西，不問他鬍子之有無，北京人，天津人，廣州人只管去稱爲陰無常或死有分，我和南京人則叫他活無常，各隨自己的便罷。「名者，實之賓也」，不關什麽緊要的。Well then, if there is a figure in a plain robe and tall hat, whether bearded or not, the people of Beijing, Tianjin, and Guangzhou may go right ahead and call him Yin Wuchang or Si Youfen, while the people of Nanjing and I call him Huo Wuchang — each according to his own convenience. "A name is but the guest of reality"; it hardly matters.

B是从南京的李光明庄刻本上取来的，图画和A相同，而题字则正相反了：天津本指为阴无常者，牠却道是阳无常。但和我的主张是一致的。那么，倘有一个素衣高帽的东西，不问他胡子之有无，北京人，天津人，广州人只管去称为阴无常或死有分，我和南京人则叫他活无常，各随自己的便罢。「名者，实之宾也」，不关什么紧要的。

不過我還要添上一點C圖，是紹興許廣記刻本中的一部分，上面並無題字，不知宣傳者于意何。However, I must add one more thing, plate C, which is part of a block-print edition from Xuguangji in Shaoxing; it bears no caption at all, and I do not know what the publisher had in mind.我幼小時常常走過許廣記的門前，也閒看他們刻圖畫，是專愛用弧線和直線，不大肯作曲線的，所以無常先生的真相，在這里也難以判然。When I was a small child I often passed by the front of Xuguangji, and would idly watch them carving their pictures; they were especially fond of using arcs and straight lines, and were rarely willing to draw curves, so here too Mr. Wuchang's true likeness is hard to make out clearly.只是他身邊另有一個小高帽，却還能分明看出，爲別的本子上所無。Only, beside him there is another small tall hat, which can still be clearly seen, and which is absent from the other editions.這就是我所說過的在賽會時候出現的阿領。This is the Ah Ling I mentioned earlier, who appears at the temple fairs.他連辦公時間也帶着兒子（？）走，我想，大概是在叫他跟隨學習，預備長大之後，可以「無改於父之道」的。He even brings his son (?) along while on duty; I imagine he is having the boy tag along to learn, so that when grown he may "make no change from his father's ways."

不过我还要添上一点C图，是绍兴许广记刻本中的一部分，上面并无题字，不知宣传者于意何。我幼小时常常走过许广记的门前，也闲看他们刻图画，是专爱用弧线和直线，不大肯作曲线的，所以无常先生的真相，在这里也难以判然。只是他身边另有一个小高帽，却还能分明看出，为别的本子上所无。这就是我所说过的在赛会时候出现的阿领。他连办公时间也带着儿子（？）走，我想，大概是在叫他跟随学习，预备长大之后，可以「无改于父之道」的。

除勾攝人魂外，十殿閻羅王中第四殿五官王的案桌旁邊，也什九站着一個高帽脚色。Besides summoning the souls of the dead, beside the bench of King Wuguan of the Fourth Court among the Ten Yama Kings, there also stands, nine times out of ten, a figure in a tall hat.如D圖，1取自天津的思過齋本，模樣頗漂亮；2是南京本，舌頭拖出來了，不知何故；3是廣州的寶經閣本，扇子破了；4是北京龍光齋本，無扇，下巴之下一條黑，我看不透牠是鬍子還是舌頭；5是天津石印局本，也頗漂亮，然而站到第七殿泰山王的公案桌邊去了：這是很特別的。Take plate D: No. 1 is taken from the Siguozhai edition of Tianjin, and looks quite handsome; No. 2 is from the Nanjing edition, with the tongue lolling out, for no clear reason; No. 3 is from the Baojingge edition of Guangzhou, with a broken fan; No. 4 is from the Longguangzhai edition of Beijing, with no fan, and a black mark beneath the chin that I cannot tell is a beard or a tongue; No. 5 is from the Shiyinju edition of Tianjin, also quite handsome, but here he has moved to stand beside the bench of King Taishan of the Seventh Court — which is very peculiar.

除勾摄人魂外，十殿阎罗王中第四殿五官王的案桌旁边，也什九站着一个高帽脚色。如D图，1取自天津的思过斋本，模样颇漂亮；2是南京本，舌头拖出来了，不知何故；3是广州的宝经阁本，扇子破了；4是北京龙光斋本，无扇，下巴之下一条黑，我看不透牠是胡子还是舌头；5是天津石印局本，也颇漂亮，然而站到第七殿泰山王的公案桌边去了：这是很特别的。

又，老虎噬人的圖上，也一定畫有一個高帽的脚色，拿着紙扇子暗地裏在指揮。Also, in pictures of a tiger devouring a man, there is invariably a figure in a tall hat drawn in, holding a paper fan and secretly directing the affair.不知道這也就是無常呢，還是所謂「倀鬼」？I do not know whether this too is Wuchang, or the so-called "chang-ghost."但我鄉戲文上的倀鬼都不戴高帽子。But the chang-ghosts in the operas of my hometown never wear tall hats.

又，老虎噬人的图上，也一定画有一个高帽的脚色，拿着纸扇子暗地里在指挥。不知道这也就是无常呢，还是所谓「伥鬼」？但我乡戏文上的伥鬼都不戴高帽子。

研究這一類三魂渺渺，七魄茫茫，「死無對證」的學問，是很新穎，也極佔便宜的。To study this sort of learning — where the three hun-souls are dim and distant, the seven po-souls vague and obscure, and "the dead can bear no witness" — is a very novel pursuit, and an extremely advantageous one too.假使徵集材料，開始討論，將各種往來的信件都編印起來，恐怕也可以出三四本頗厚的書，並且因此陞爲「學者」。If one were to gather material, open up a debate, and compile and print all the correspondence exchanged on the subject, one could probably produce three or four rather thick volumes, and thereby rise to the rank of "scholar."但是，「活無常學者」，名稱不大冠冕，我不想幹下去了，只在這里下一個武斷：But the title "scholar of Huo Wuchang" is not a very dignified one, so I do not wish to pursue it further, and will only set down here an arbitrary judgment:

研究这一类三魂渺渺，七魄茫茫，「死无对证」的学问，是很新颖，也极占便宜的。假使征集材料，开始讨论，将各种往来的信件都编印起来，恐怕也可以出三四本颇厚的书，并且因此升为「学者」。但是，「活无常学者」，名称不大冠冕，我不想干下去了，只在这里下一个武断：

《玉曆》式的思想是很粗淺的：「活無常」和「死有分」，合起來是人生的象徵。The thinking of the Yuli type is very crude: "Huo Wuchang" and "Si Youfen" together form a symbol of human life.人將死時，本只須死有分來到。When a person is about to die, in principle it should only require Si Youfen to come.因爲他一到，這時候，也就可見「活無常」。For the moment he arrives, at that very time, one may also see "Huo Wuchang."

《玉历》式的思想是很粗浅的：「活无常」和「死有分」，合起来是人生的象征。人将死时，本只须死有分来到。因为他一到，这时候，也就可见「活无常」。

但民間又有一種自稱「走陰」或「陰差」的，是生人暫時入冥，幫辦公事的脚色。But among the common people there is also a kind of person who styles himself a "walker in the shades" or "yin runner" — a living person who temporarily enters the underworld to assist with official business.因爲他幫同勾魂攝魄，大家也就稱之爲「無常」；Because he helps in summoning souls, people also call him "Wuchang";又以其本是生魂也，則別之曰「陽」，但從此便和「活無常」隱然相混了。and since he is originally a living soul, they distinguish him with the word "Yang" — but from this point he became subtly confused with "Huo Wuchang."如第四圖版之A，題爲「陽無常」的，是平常人的普通裝束，足見明明是陰差，他的職務只在領鬼卒進門，所以站在階下。Take plate A of the fourth illustration, labeled "Yang Wuchang": he wears the ordinary dress of an ordinary man, which shows plainly that he is a yin runner, whose duty is merely to lead the ghost-attendants in through the gate, and so he stands below the steps.

但民间又有一种自称「走阴」或「阴差」的，是生人暂时入冥，帮办公事的脚色。因为他帮同勾魂摄魄，大家也就称之为「无常」；又以其本是生魂也，则别之曰「阳」，但从此便和「活无常」隐然相混了。如第四图版之A，题为「阳无常」的，是平常人的普通装束，足见明明是阴差，他的职务只在领鬼卒进门，所以站在阶下。

既有了生魂入冥的「陽無常」，便以「陰無常」來稱職務相似而並非生魂的死有分了。Once there existed a "Yang Wuchang" who was a living soul entering the underworld, "Yin Wuchang" then came to be used for Si Youfen, whose duties were similar but who was not a living soul.

既有了生魂入冥的「阳无常」，便以「阴无常」来称职务相似而并非生魂的死有分了。

做目連戲和迎神賽會雖說是禱祈，同時也等于娛樂，扮演出來的應該是陰差，而普通狀態太無趣，——無所謂扮演，——不如奇特些好，于是就將「那一個無常」的衣裝給他穿上了；——自然原也沒有知道得很清楚。Performing Mulian operas and holding temple fairs to welcome the gods are, though called acts of prayer, at the same time a form of entertainment; the one portrayed on stage ought to be the yin runner, but his ordinary appearance is too dull — there would be nothing worth performing — so it was better to make him more peculiar, and thus he was dressed in the costume of "that other Wuchang"; naturally, no one ever really understood the matter very clearly to begin with.然而從此也更傳訛下去。And yet from that point the error has only been passed on and compounded.所以南京人和我之所謂活無常，是陰差而穿着死有分的衣冠，頂着真的活無常的名號，大背經典，荒謬得很的。So what the people of Nanjing and I call Huo Wuchang is in fact a yin runner wearing the robe and cap of Si Youfen while bearing the true name of Huo Wuchang — a great departure from the scriptures, and quite absurd indeed.

做目连戏和迎神赛会虽说是祷祈，同时也等于娱乐，扮演出来的应该是阴差，而普通状态太无趣，——无所谓扮演，——不如奇特些好，于是就将「那一个无常」的衣装给他穿上了；——自然原也没有知道得很清楚。然而从此也更传讹下去。所以南京人和我之所谓活无常，是阴差而穿着死有分的衣冠，顶着真的活无常的名号，大背经典，荒谬得很的。

不知海內博雅君子，以爲何如？I wonder what the learned gentlemen of the land would make of this?

不知海内博雅君子，以为何如？

我本來並不準備做什麽後記，只想尋幾張舊畫像來做插圖，不料目的不達，便變成一面比較，剪貼，一面亂發議論了。I had originally no intention of writing any afterword at all; I only meant to find a few old pictures to use as illustrations, but as it turned out I failed in that purpose, and instead ended up, on the one hand comparing and pasting them together, and on the other rambling on with all sorts of remarks.那一點本文或作或輟地幾乎做了一年，這一點後記也或作或輟地幾乎做了兩個月。That small body of text took nearly a year to write, on and off, and this small afterword has likewise taken nearly two months, on and off.天熱如此，汗流浹背，是亦不可以已乎：爰爲結。With the weather so hot that sweat soaks through my back, surely this too may now be brought to an end — and so I close.

我本来并不准备做什么后记，只想寻几张旧画像来做插图，不料目的不达，便变成一面比较，剪贴，一面乱发议论了。那一点本文或作或辍地几乎做了一年，这一点后记也或作或辍地几乎做了两个月。天热如此，汗流浃背，是亦不可以已乎：爰为结。

一九二七年七月十一日，寫完于廣州東堤寓樓之西窗下。Completed on July 11, 1927, beneath the west window of my lodgings on Dongdi, Guangzhou.

一九二七年七月十一日，写完于广州东堤寓楼之西窗下。